While the past decade poverty has fallen by a third in Venezuela, the curve of violence has followed a trajectory opposite. Over the same period the number of homicides has dropped from nearly 6000 to more than 13,000 per year. Stammering on the subject for much of his administration, the government of Hugo Chávez, now seems determined to take the problem head-on body. Because the mere improvement of social conditions does not seem to bring down the crime.
"Not one more death in the 23 de Enero." ( Photo: Seb )
Pastor is a taxi driver in Caracas. He works at night to avoid traffic congestion at the entrance and exit of capital. "As I live a bit outside, I should get up every day at 4 am in order to arrive at a decent hour in the center," said he. But night work is more risky, so he works almost exclusively with known clients: "They pass me a call and I'll get them where they are. It's safer for me and for them, we never know who you can fall. "
Despite its caution, Pastor was the victim of a robbery there A few months ago while driving a customer in a barrio (neighborhood disadvantage). "Two motorcyclists have pointed their weapons. I could not resist, I preferred they go with the car and get out of there alive." The incident will remain there and Pastor even find his car a few days later. But stories of armed robbery does not always end as well. Between 1999 and 2008, nearly 22,000 people have fallen under the bullets of the crime, merely Caracas (2 million). At the national level, a Corps document scientific investigations, criminal and criminal (CICPC), disclosed recently in the press, gives a figure of 101,141 homicides in ten years (28 million).
According to the 2007 United Nations report on the status of cities in the world, increasing violence is a global phenomenon and is especially notable in developing countries experiencing rapid urban growth. With a population concentrated to 93% in cities, Venezuela far exceeds the regional average is around 79%. For example, in Brazil since the 1970s, the homicide rate has tripled and quadrupled Rio de Janeiro to Sao Paulo. In Caracas, in twenty years it has almost tenfold.
The Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) reports that between 1980 and 2002 the homicide rate in Brazil fell from 11.4 to 28.4 per 100 000 inhabitants. Venezuela has, himself, made a purchase from 19.4 to 50.9 between 1998 and 2003. A contario, El Salvador and Colombia, far the most violent continent, started to decrease this morbidity (respectively from 62.5 to 54.9 and from 64 to 38).
Left without options?
Then Hugo Chavez began his eleventh year as head of government, the opposition does not hesitate to draw a parallel between increased violence and management of the President. "Say no to insecurity, vote 'no'!" Was one of the slogans used during the campaign of the constitutional referendum in February last won by the Bolivarian camp. But if the results of the latest polls still show majority support to the government, the regional elections of November 2008 reveals a certain dissatisfaction in the most populated areas. Of the seven states lost in this election, four are among the most violent country (the District of Caracas and the states of Carabobo, Zulia and Miranda). And according to the latest survey by the Venezuelan Institute for Data Analysis (IVAD) Insecurity is the main concern for seven out of ten Venezuelans. According to criminologist
Antillano Andrés, crime poses a real problem for progressive governments in Latin America: "There is no speech consisting left on the subject.'s Agenda is an agenda insecurity colonized by the right, in most countries. " Professor at the Institute of Criminal Sciences, Central University of Venezuela (UCV), Mr. Antillano considers that progressives are limited to the design problem in the form of myths. "The first is the myth of negation: there is no insecurity, an invention of the media is a way to criminalize the people, etc.. This was the position of this government during a certain time. "
poor and victims
Another myth is that he describes as" functionalism left "and that is to think that" simply "improving living conditions and social inclusion, we can reduce the numbers of insecurity. "The reality of Venezuela shows that this is not true, there is no mechanical relationship. Additionally there is a paradoxical effect, because not only the social inclusion policies do not reduce insecurity, but more insecurity itself increases social exclusion, "said he.
In Venezuela, the unemployment rate rose from 10.3% in 1995 to 7.4% in 2008. Poverty turn is increased from 49.4% of the population in 1999 to 28.5% in 2007. But the segment of the population most affected by violence remains the sector most marginalized by the rest of society. In its report of 2008, the local NGO PROVEA standard defines a victim in this way: "Young men, residents of socioeconomically depressed communities of large urban centers.
Cops offenders
But if the number of homicides has actually increased over the past decade, however, insecurity appears as a structural drawing also rooted in public policies of past decades. Especially at the police regularly accused of inefficiency or complicity.
In the barrios, the police are not really perceived as the solution to the problem, but rather as potential perpetrators of serious crimes, including abductions, extortion, robbery or drug trafficking. "The cops here they sell drugs confiscated from traffickers, or make them pay a vacuna (Ransom) to close the eyes. Some agents will even rent their guns to criminals, "testifies Francisco capita neighborhood of La Vega, Caracas.
According to the Minister of Interior and Justice, Tareck El Aissami, 20% of crimes committed in the country are perpetrated by those same officials. It must be said that the multiplicity of police forces do not facilitate the task and control over the workforce. In Venezuela there are 25 county and 67 municipal police. To this are added the CICPC , transport authorities and traffic (which do not carry weapons) and the National Guard and armed forces. And it will not until 2001 that the decree is approved for "Citizen Security Coordination, which has the task of linking together the different bodies of law and order.
A second step, in April 2006, was the creation of a National Commission for Police Reform (Conarepol). Who made the same finding that a previous commission in 1991: Venezuela pays "the absence of a national policy on policing, lack of coordination mechanisms police, layering of functions between the various security forces" etc..
Arsenal legislative
March 18 , the Government announced the activation of "seven fronts against violence" with the creation of a National Council for Prevention and citizen security, integrated by several departments. Are also on the menu to create an Integrated policies and the launch of a University experimental security, aimed at improving the level of training of officials. In the longer term ambition is to reform the departmental and municipal policies. A touchy subject in this country if polarized, where the opposition clings to some local strongholds.
Several laws are also being developed in the National Assembly. This is the case for improving the social and professional status of policing and tougher penalties for carrying weapons.
"You do not need weapons"
All these measures are confined for now to a strictly legislative. But often, in neighborhoods, the daily work that pays. Because, as noted by Francisco Vega and elsewhere "there is no real momentum brings you to something else" to get into a gang or carry a "gun" to obtain recognition of others.
So with a few friends, he has chosen a different battle, one out of the Younger gear by introducing them to contemporary culture but also that of their ancestors. Together they created a community radio broadcasting and a cooperative through which they are teenagers to media literacy. They combine this with the original music of percussion, and the only sound that resonates here is the drums. "In the neighborhood everyone respects us for what we do, even offenders, because they know we work for culture, we do not consider them as enemies, either. They also have children and when they see that we are working with their kids to leave the circle, they are us grateful. We do not need to carry weapons to gain respect.
In the neighborhood of 23 de Enero in Caracas, a construction not like other crashes in the middle of the apartment towers. There is the local Coordinadora Simón Bolívar (CSB), a former police station transformed into a cultural center. Dancing, free Internet access and the computer literacy, community radio, social missions: since 2005 the place became a meeting place and participation. The CSB was born in 1993, well before the start of the "Bolivarian Revolution" in this neighborhood known for its organization and social struggles.
Juan Contreras, a member of the Coordinadora, remembers the birth of the group was responding to the need to "build a local power, what is now called the 'people power', and this from three main : recovery areas, the recovery of traditions and sports. " The idea was, among others, to try to regain the space that at some point because of the absence of public policy, had fallen into the hands of crime. Today the goal has not changed: "Our aim is also to build bridges between people so that they communicate with each other, and that through culture and sport. And we did it, now people are involved.
CBS organizes recreational and cultural activities in the district so that youth spend their free time and do not fall into the nets gangs and drugs. But who says social organization also says education policy: "Each group, each group provides social work, political work to prevent crime and drug trafficking to settle in the neighborhood. Besides, there were clashes and comrades were murdered by drug traffickers. "To Juan and others, the scourge also has its political origins: "Here we live a long fight against drugs and crime. By the late 1970s, the state began to lead a 'dirty war' and flood the neighborhood drug to overcoming the social struggle that demanded the transformation of society ".
Last week, three people from the neighborhood were killed in the street around midnight. Among the victims, an activist involved for many years in social struggles. At the time, he even participated in the Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua. "The negative logic of capital does not only promote the commercialization drugs, it also promotes the commercialization of death "could be read on a leaflet distributed in 23 de Enero, at a mobilization of protest against the killing.
References consulted:
- "Enhancing Urban Safety and Security - Global Report on Human Settlements 2007", UN-Habitat, available www.unhabitat.org .
- Statistical Yearbook 2008, ECLAC (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, United Nations agency), available www.cepal.org .
- "Situación of human rights in Venezuela - Annual Report 2008 "provides, available south www.derechos.org.ve .
-" Health in the Americas, PAHO, 2007.
- "The national consultation on reform Police in Venezuela: A proposal for dialogue and consensus ", National Commission for Police Reform, Caracas 2007.
-" The Venezuelan police, institutional development and prospects for reform at the beginning of the third millennium ", Volume I, National Commission Police Reform, Caracas 2007.
- Selon l'Institut National de Statistiques (INE) in 2006 Caracas ( -Capital District) were just over 2 million.
Article published in the Swiss daily Le Courrier May 26, 2009.
"Not one more death in the 23 de Enero." ( Photo: Seb ) Pastor is a taxi driver in Caracas. He works at night to avoid traffic congestion at the entrance and exit of capital. "As I live a bit outside, I should get up every day at 4 am in order to arrive at a decent hour in the center," said he. But night work is more risky, so he works almost exclusively with known clients: "They pass me a call and I'll get them where they are. It's safer for me and for them, we never know who you can fall. "
Despite its caution, Pastor was the victim of a robbery there A few months ago while driving a customer in a barrio (neighborhood disadvantage). "Two motorcyclists have pointed their weapons. I could not resist, I preferred they go with the car and get out of there alive." The incident will remain there and Pastor even find his car a few days later. But stories of armed robbery does not always end as well. Between 1999 and 2008, nearly 22,000 people have fallen under the bullets of the crime, merely Caracas (2 million). At the national level, a Corps document scientific investigations, criminal and criminal (CICPC), disclosed recently in the press, gives a figure of 101,141 homicides in ten years (28 million).
According to the 2007 United Nations report on the status of cities in the world, increasing violence is a global phenomenon and is especially notable in developing countries experiencing rapid urban growth. With a population concentrated to 93% in cities, Venezuela far exceeds the regional average is around 79%. For example, in Brazil since the 1970s, the homicide rate has tripled and quadrupled Rio de Janeiro to Sao Paulo. In Caracas, in twenty years it has almost tenfold.
The Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) reports that between 1980 and 2002 the homicide rate in Brazil fell from 11.4 to 28.4 per 100 000 inhabitants. Venezuela has, himself, made a purchase from 19.4 to 50.9 between 1998 and 2003. A contario, El Salvador and Colombia, far the most violent continent, started to decrease this morbidity (respectively from 62.5 to 54.9 and from 64 to 38).
Left without options?
Then Hugo Chavez began his eleventh year as head of government, the opposition does not hesitate to draw a parallel between increased violence and management of the President. "Say no to insecurity, vote 'no'!" Was one of the slogans used during the campaign of the constitutional referendum in February last won by the Bolivarian camp. But if the results of the latest polls still show majority support to the government, the regional elections of November 2008 reveals a certain dissatisfaction in the most populated areas. Of the seven states lost in this election, four are among the most violent country (the District of Caracas and the states of Carabobo, Zulia and Miranda). And according to the latest survey by the Venezuelan Institute for Data Analysis (IVAD) Insecurity is the main concern for seven out of ten Venezuelans. According to criminologist
Antillano Andrés, crime poses a real problem for progressive governments in Latin America: "There is no speech consisting left on the subject.'s Agenda is an agenda insecurity colonized by the right, in most countries. " Professor at the Institute of Criminal Sciences, Central University of Venezuela (UCV), Mr. Antillano considers that progressives are limited to the design problem in the form of myths. "The first is the myth of negation: there is no insecurity, an invention of the media is a way to criminalize the people, etc.. This was the position of this government during a certain time. "
poor and victims
Another myth is that he describes as" functionalism left "and that is to think that" simply "improving living conditions and social inclusion, we can reduce the numbers of insecurity. "The reality of Venezuela shows that this is not true, there is no mechanical relationship. Additionally there is a paradoxical effect, because not only the social inclusion policies do not reduce insecurity, but more insecurity itself increases social exclusion, "said he.
In Venezuela, the unemployment rate rose from 10.3% in 1995 to 7.4% in 2008. Poverty turn is increased from 49.4% of the population in 1999 to 28.5% in 2007. But the segment of the population most affected by violence remains the sector most marginalized by the rest of society. In its report of 2008, the local NGO PROVEA standard defines a victim in this way: "Young men, residents of socioeconomically depressed communities of large urban centers.
Cops offenders
But if the number of homicides has actually increased over the past decade, however, insecurity appears as a structural drawing also rooted in public policies of past decades. Especially at the police regularly accused of inefficiency or complicity.
In the barrios, the police are not really perceived as the solution to the problem, but rather as potential perpetrators of serious crimes, including abductions, extortion, robbery or drug trafficking. "The cops here they sell drugs confiscated from traffickers, or make them pay a vacuna (Ransom) to close the eyes. Some agents will even rent their guns to criminals, "testifies Francisco capita neighborhood of La Vega, Caracas.
According to the Minister of Interior and Justice, Tareck El Aissami, 20% of crimes committed in the country are perpetrated by those same officials. It must be said that the multiplicity of police forces do not facilitate the task and control over the workforce. In Venezuela there are 25 county and 67 municipal police. To this are added the CICPC , transport authorities and traffic (which do not carry weapons) and the National Guard and armed forces. And it will not until 2001 that the decree is approved for "Citizen Security Coordination, which has the task of linking together the different bodies of law and order.
A second step, in April 2006, was the creation of a National Commission for Police Reform (Conarepol). Who made the same finding that a previous commission in 1991: Venezuela pays "the absence of a national policy on policing, lack of coordination mechanisms police, layering of functions between the various security forces" etc..
Arsenal legislative
March 18 , the Government announced the activation of "seven fronts against violence" with the creation of a National Council for Prevention and citizen security, integrated by several departments. Are also on the menu to create an Integrated policies and the launch of a University experimental security, aimed at improving the level of training of officials. In the longer term ambition is to reform the departmental and municipal policies. A touchy subject in this country if polarized, where the opposition clings to some local strongholds.
Several laws are also being developed in the National Assembly. This is the case for improving the social and professional status of policing and tougher penalties for carrying weapons.
"You do not need weapons"
All these measures are confined for now to a strictly legislative. But often, in neighborhoods, the daily work that pays. Because, as noted by Francisco Vega and elsewhere "there is no real momentum brings you to something else" to get into a gang or carry a "gun" to obtain recognition of others.
So with a few friends, he has chosen a different battle, one out of the Younger gear by introducing them to contemporary culture but also that of their ancestors. Together they created a community radio broadcasting and a cooperative through which they are teenagers to media literacy. They combine this with the original music of percussion, and the only sound that resonates here is the drums. "In the neighborhood everyone respects us for what we do, even offenders, because they know we work for culture, we do not consider them as enemies, either. They also have children and when they see that we are working with their kids to leave the circle, they are us grateful. We do not need to carry weapons to gain respect.
The popular response of 23 de Enero
In the neighborhood of 23 de Enero in Caracas, a construction not like other crashes in the middle of the apartment towers. There is the local Coordinadora Simón Bolívar (CSB), a former police station transformed into a cultural center. Dancing, free Internet access and the computer literacy, community radio, social missions: since 2005 the place became a meeting place and participation. The CSB was born in 1993, well before the start of the "Bolivarian Revolution" in this neighborhood known for its organization and social struggles.
Juan Contreras, a member of the Coordinadora, remembers the birth of the group was responding to the need to "build a local power, what is now called the 'people power', and this from three main : recovery areas, the recovery of traditions and sports. " The idea was, among others, to try to regain the space that at some point because of the absence of public policy, had fallen into the hands of crime. Today the goal has not changed: "Our aim is also to build bridges between people so that they communicate with each other, and that through culture and sport. And we did it, now people are involved.
CBS organizes recreational and cultural activities in the district so that youth spend their free time and do not fall into the nets gangs and drugs. But who says social organization also says education policy: "Each group, each group provides social work, political work to prevent crime and drug trafficking to settle in the neighborhood. Besides, there were clashes and comrades were murdered by drug traffickers. "To Juan and others, the scourge also has its political origins: "Here we live a long fight against drugs and crime. By the late 1970s, the state began to lead a 'dirty war' and flood the neighborhood drug to overcoming the social struggle that demanded the transformation of society ".
Last week, three people from the neighborhood were killed in the street around midnight. Among the victims, an activist involved for many years in social struggles. At the time, he even participated in the Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua. "The negative logic of capital does not only promote the commercialization drugs, it also promotes the commercialization of death "could be read on a leaflet distributed in 23 de Enero, at a mobilization of protest against the killing.
References consulted:
- "Enhancing Urban Safety and Security - Global Report on Human Settlements 2007", UN-Habitat, available www.unhabitat.org .
- Statistical Yearbook 2008, ECLAC (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, United Nations agency), available www.cepal.org .
- "Situación of human rights in Venezuela - Annual Report 2008 "provides, available south www.derechos.org.ve .
-" Health in the Americas, PAHO, 2007.
- "The national consultation on reform Police in Venezuela: A proposal for dialogue and consensus ", National Commission for Police Reform, Caracas 2007.
-" The Venezuelan police, institutional development and prospects for reform at the beginning of the third millennium ", Volume I, National Commission Police Reform, Caracas 2007.
- Selon l'Institut National de Statistiques (INE) in 2006 Caracas ( -Capital District) were just over 2 million.
Article published in the Swiss daily Le Courrier May 26, 2009.
