Wednesday, November 25, 2009

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The Bolivarian process itself facing

Graffiti at a rally of workers in the electricity sector:
"In the PSUV are the foundations that decide."
For now acquired more than a fight ... ( Photo: Seb )


On 15 November, the militants of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) were called to elect their delegates to the extraordinary congress to be held from November 21 to April 19, 2010. This conference comes at a key moment for the party but also for the Bolivarian process that confronts more and more the consequences of its bureaucracy.

Nearly 2.5 million PSUV militants were called upon to elect 772 delegates from among 1800 candidates, all overseen by the National Electoral Council (1) . "There is no doubt it was a great day democratic, "said Gonzalo Gomez, an activist of the PSUV delegates elected from the district of Caracas.

Gonzalo Yet, like many grassroots activists, would have liked to see greater representation of comrades related to workers, peasants and what is called here "the revolution within the revolution." It is a demand that is increasingly felt in the popular movement against the inefficiency of the bureaucracy and, of often it involves corruption.

"The militants have directly elected their representatives in Congress, however, all these votes are not the same orientation. There are political differences among the delegates, differences in the rates to be followed by the Revolution, differences in the relationship between party and state, etc.., "Said Gonzalo, who is also co-founder of the website Alternative Information Aporrea.org .

must say that so far the party-state relationship has not really promoted the emergence of new political figures. Last May Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, who is also the president of the PSUV, announced a reorganization of the party by appointing the heads of departments regional. Result: the first vice-president of the party is none other than Cilia Flores, president of the National Assembly (Parliament). And among the six regional leaders, four are ministers in office.

So that's one of the major challenges of this congress, arrived to install a power struggle with the bureaucracy. "The party is still an enormous state apparatus", recognizes Gonzalo. But the organization also lacks intermediate structures, between the "patrols" (basic units recently reorganized and composed of 20 to 30 militants) and the regional, which makes it more difficult for middle management and does not facilitate communication between all of these patrols.

A Congress to the slide?

In January 2008, the PSUV had achieved its founding congress, which was the foundation of its democratic functioning. However, many questions remain unanswered at present. Gonzalo Gómez believes that the Congress in December will be the real founding congress of the party. "The 2008 conference has not been completed. The Constitution and the declaration of principles have been approved, but the party and its leadership do not understand these flows with maturity. We were in pre-election period and this has ensured that these proposals are found in a drawer, "he adds.

The functioning of the party will be the agenda, but activists also demand a clear definition of socialist project. Worker participation in company management, the need to break the structures of the bourgeois state and move towards a genuine people's power will also be on the table by some delegates. "The proposals of social movements must sent to the party, workers must also have a greater role in management and go to union demands political demands. There are steps that are done in this direction, "said Gonzalo.

Finally, the PSUV internal faults are only a reflection of the brakes which weigh on the process underway in Venezuela. Enquilosé by bureaucracy, he still the opportunity to advance, but must act quickly. Former Vice President José Vicente Rangel, recently alerted to an article published in the local press on "pessimism ahead dangerously." The title of his article: "Something is happening" ...

Note:

(1) Venezuela on "voting power" is a power in itself, in addition to the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial power of the citizen. The National Electoral Council (CNE) is responsible for organizing the elections not only conventional but also the internal elections of union and political organizations. Of these, the PSUV is the only one so far to have fulfilled this requirement for democracy yet recognized in the Constitution.

------------------------------------------------ --------------------------------

Article forthcoming in the next issue of The Left and taken on Site NPA

Monday, November 23, 2009

Long Dong Silver Streamin

Draft Hugo Chavez faces a wall of bureaucracy

The electricity crisis reveals the difficulties of the government to move its administration, in turn considered monolithic or inconsistent.

"We made mistakes: poorly executed projects, deadlines miscalculated, flaws in planning, in the maintenance ..." In late October, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez put his finger on the problems of the electricity sector, one of the strategic areas in the center of criticism in recent months. Despite huge investments ($ 5 billion between 2008 and 2009 and 20 billion for the next five years), power cuts are frequent in the country and the national electricity corporation (Corpoelec) is forced rationing in some areas .

According Angel Navas, president of the Federation of Workers in the electricity sector, this contradiction between massive investment and inefficiency is not unique to this area. "It happens in many institutions and state enterprises which make up the bureaucracy facts, lies and hidden problems in order to maintain its positions and privileges, "he says.

Social Control


The subject is particularly sensitive sectors are crucial affected, such as health (see below), justice, security, food production, the institutions and affects even the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV, chaired by Mr. Chávez), the first extraordinary congress to be held from 21 November to 13 December (1) , is already perceived by the base as a decisive moment in the definition not only the party itself but also the political process.

In the electricity sector, it required the mobilization of workers themselves to finally put the issue on the agenda and begin negotiations. The network problems have become so widespread that on October 21 Hugo Chávez decreed the creation of a ministry dedicated exclusively to electrical energy (this matter was previously jurisdiction of the Ministry of Energy and Petroleum). In addition, a "strategic committee" was set up, just to clarify management Corpoelec, whose director is to be thanked.

question is whether a new department will solve the problems created by another department. Apparently aware of the limitations of the measure, the Venezuelan president has taken a step towards workers' demands and "instructed" that they may be incorporated directly in the management of the national electricity company. "They and they will be the main architects of the revival we need," he said.


The spirit of missions


The idea of active participation of the public and workers in decision-making is not new, it is very pervasive in official discourse. However, in practice, experiments have so far demonstrated the difficulties of putting into practice within the existing structures of the state. Officials holding a certain power are obviously in no hurry to lose it. In response, the lack of workers to organize and articulate popular policy at the national level is acute.


For Roland Denis, Vice-Minister of Planning and Development between 2002 and 2003 and leftist critic of government action, participatory politics that is ever present becoming increasingly frustrated by what he defined as "the bureaucratic machine, and economic oligarchy."


According to him, the best example of the effects of this brake bureaucratic social missions are driven by the government. "The missions were designed between 2002 and 2003 as the birth of a new state, a new power completely foreign to the bureaucratic logic. The social activists are incorporated them massively. But the huge financial capacity State recent years has given him tremendous power to co-opt labor activist. The missions have lost their vision of independence and break the bureaucracy, they are institutionalized. In general, we can say that bureaucracy has captured the language policy, program and imaging of hope that had developed (the struggles) in the years 1980 and 1990 in this country, "says analysis it.


Straighten bar


is in this context that are looming on the horizon of the parliamentary elections in late 2010. For the most critical battle promises to be tight and probably will be a key moment for the government of Hugo Chávez and the popular movement. Whatever the outcome, the opposition has everything to gain, since it has virtually no representation in the National Assembly today (to have boycotted the legislative elections of 2005).


Finally, after the PSUV is the National Union of Workers (UNT), which should hold its congress at the end of the year to try to overcome divisions and create a truly independent progressive union capable of weighing the claims and face bureaucracy. The process of social change feasible within the bourgeois state would meet its limits?


Note:

(1) The extraordinary congress of the PSUV began Saturday, November 21 and should extend until the first quarter of 2010.



health system suffering from "ideological inconsistency"

"The government invested in health as no government had done before. But despite the considerable expense the answers are unsatisfactory " ( Photo: Seb )

The extension of the health system
to the poorest of the population has been one of the first and most important challenges has assumed the Bolivarian government. According to the National Statistics Institute (INE), over 8 million people now enjoy the Mission Barrio Adentro medical attention and Venezuela intends currently about 9 % of GDP on health (against 2.3% in 1998).


Yet here too the challenges are evident: lack of qualified personnel, space available, equipment, coordination between different networks, projects paralyzed or opened in a hurry, etc.. To overcome this, October 8 last President Chávez announced the incorporation of 1,000 new Cuban doctors in Barrio Adentro program, of which 220 had already arrived in Caracas the day before.


But after Luisana Melo, MD a member of the Socialist Movement for the quality of life and health (Moscavis), the latest measures taken by the government are not sufficient to solve the structural problem. She believes that the fundamental obstacle is the lack of a true national public health system to coordinate and plan its own policies.
"We currently have an impressive amount of sub-systems and systems of health benefits. Barrio Adentro in part but is a subsystem of more parallel to those that we already" .

There are indeed many networks: the Ministry of Health, the Venezuelan Institute of safeties Social (IVSS), each municipality has its own system, as well as each regional state, let alone private clinics and others. "This has been a major inconvenience for the construction and proper functioning of a national public health system," she insists.

Moreover, the central government contributes paradoxically to fund private health institutions through private insurance HCM (Hospital, Surgery and Maternity) enjoyed by public employees. "From the public money that goes directly into the coffers of the private system," Judge Ms. Melo, believes that this "enormous ideological contradiction" does not even guaranteed the right to health officials in the state.
"Today the government invested in health as no government had done before. But since each investment is made in isolation, the results are reflected daily through considerable expense and unsatisfactory answers, "she adds. In addition, it considers that this funding model helps to reproduce the segmented germ of corruption.

According to Dr. Melo, "The State must
deepen the progress made so far in health and respect what is established in the constitution, to whom he owes a debt of ten years ago that includes the enactment of a law of health, based on the principles of free , fairness and universality ".



Articles published in the Swiss daily Le Courrier November 14, 2009

Friday, November 20, 2009

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Monday, November 16, 2009

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Friday, November 13, 2009

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Saturday, September 5, 2009

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Washington boosts its military presence in Latin America


Venezuelan Soldiers stand guard April 13, 2002.
(Image end of the story of Guarataro.films , "A golpe y una carta" )


Faced with the rise of Latin American unity and development of regional blocs as are the ALBA (Bolivarian Alternative for America), PetroCaribe (petroleum agreements and social), the South Bank or the UNASUR (Union of South American Nations), the United States is trying to regain control in the region dramatically increasing their military presence.

The government of Alvaro Uribe recently announced its intention to allow the U.S. to use seven military bases in Colombian territory, ostensibly to fight drug trafficking and insurgent groups. In this way, Washington offered it a gateway to the continent and its natural resources, including the Amazon. Colombia has five boundaries in effect (with Panama, Venezuela, Brazil, Peru and Ecuador) and access to both oceans (Pacific and Atlantic via the Caribbean Sea).

So far Washington's policy had been to heavily armed British, his ally strategic in the region and create a military imbalance in favor of it against other countries regarded as potential threats. Well-known strategy that has proven itself in the Middle East with the State of Israel. Since 2000, the United States has contributed over $ 5.5 billion to Colombia through Plan Colombia. The country became the first receiver of U.S. military aid on the continent and the third world.

While the media frequently accuse Venezuela of being the head of an arms race in Latin America (including to buy arms and planes Sukhoi Russia), very few bother to explain what happens in Colombia and what budget is spent on armaments. With the excuse of "struggle against terrorism" (in this case the FARC, ELN and the paramilitaries of the extreme right), the Colombian armed forces are actually the best equipped in Africa.

While Brazil, the largest Southern Cone countries, spends 1.5% of its GDP on defense, Colombia officially dedicates 3.8%. And by Uruguayan journalist Raúl Zibechi, independent studies estimate that Bogota's military spending amounted to 6.5% in real GDP, well above the expenditures of the United States themselves in the matter.

In addition, Colombia is also the country which allocates the largest portion of its budget to military equipment purchases, 25%. So that Venezuela intends to ten times less, 2.3%. Colombia also has the largest army in the continent. His troops have increased from 86 000 staff in 1986 to 120,000 in 1994. This figure was then doubled in just 15 years with the launch of Plan Colombia, reaching 217,000 today. However, if we add that the entire workforce of defense, security and police are counted 460,000 men. In response, neighboring Venezuela does not carry much weight with his 63,000 men.

In addition to seven new databases that will be available soon in Colombia, the United States can also count on their military installations in the following countries: Honduras, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Peru, Paraguay, and on islands of Aruba, Curacao, Puerto Rico and Cuba (Guantanamo). The closure of the Manta base in Ecuador (following the refusal of President Correa to renew the contract) is more than adequately compensated.

Finally, it is worth recalling that in July 2008 the U.S. military had reactivated its Fourth Fleet to patrol the seas of the Latin American continent. This fleet was more active since the end of the Second World War.



article forthcoming in the next issue of Red Flag .

Monday, August 24, 2009

What Is Mesenteric Stranding

The self-management project back to life over the nationalization

Many believe that most problems could be solved if the company was headed by the workers themselves and not by the bureaucracy. ( Photo: Seb )

steel, cement, electricity, banking: the nationalization in Venezuela are increasing. The workers, expect more than improving their working conditions, they want to have their say.

Last May the Venezuelan government formalized the acquisition of the leading steel company in the country, Steel of the Orinoco (Sidor), for 1.97 billion dollars. A few days later, during a meeting with workers in the Guayana region (in the east), President Hugo Chávez announced the nationalization of four companies brickmaker (producing iron ore briquettes, read below). These measures claim while reorganizing the steel industry around the "socialist Guayana Plan 2019" with the active participation of workers.

The first step was taken April 9, 2008, with the announcement of the nationalization of Sidor after fifteen months of struggle by workers against Argentinean consortium Techint (owned by Ternium group, based in Luxembourg), who refused to improve working conditions while negotiating a new collective contract. Workers struggled to their wages, pensions, and for the integration of 9000 employees subcontractors. They had finally succeeded in imposing a balance of power and pull out a nationalization initially perceived as a possible bone of contention between Venezuela and Argentina for Kirchner.

"200% Better!"

A year after these events, much has changed in Sidor. "The benefits of workers improved by 200%. Before, we were marginalized, humiliated, killed by a multinational that we flew our lives, we stole everything, "says José Eduardo few minutes before taking his turn working between the dust, the din of machines and the grueling heat of ovens.

Sirio Velasquez, Office Manager, Human Resources, said at the time of Techint, given the working conditions, "there was a large turnover. Currently, there is a willingness to adapt jobs to age, experience and abilities of each worker. "In fact, many private partners have decided to no longer work with the Sidor nationalization after. "The number of subcontractors has increased from 630 to about 300. Many do not want to work with the state, others have refused to adapt to the new specifications," he says.

But working conditions were not the only change, wages have also experienced a significant change. Sirio indicates that unskilled workers affected by the Techint beginner 800 Bolivars (the equivalent of 400 francs), or the minimum wage. Today, that same worker earns 2,600 Bolivars. And a worker to exhibit Proudly his payslip that shows, after twenty years of seniority, salary of 5800 Bolivares. Nationalization is obtained at once something more concrete.

non-tenured workers were able, also, to verify its benefits. Gradually, the disparities between workers disappear. Some 1,300 contractors have been regularized, bringing the number of "sidor" in 6200.

Chávez's proposal

Other issues are still day. Not long ago, workers Sidor of paralyzing their new factory to demand unpaid benefits. They also protested to bring attention to security conditions, one of their comrades who died in the explosion of a furnace.

In addition, the company's production has been declining since the transition. And low aluminum prices on international markets does not facilitate the task.

Several meetings between different departments and workers led to the formation of fourteen working tables to analyze the flaws of each department and the priorities and investments needed in conjunction with management. Hugo Chávez had said in May the possibility for workers to elect their own leadership, in consultation with him. "I agree to begin to draft a law to regulate it" in order "to begin the transition," he had announced.

Many believe that most problems could be solved if the company was run by the workers themselves and not by the bureaucracy. "We have to draw a new path that capitalism is not a private but should not be either state capitalism, "said Jose Tata, head of the current Trade Union Alliance." Whether the state or be it private, if we do not get the active participation of workers on the production, there will be no real change in the company, nor in the country, "he assures.



Article published in the Swiss daily Le Courrier August 15, 2009

Blurred Vision And Chest Pain

Workers' control, remedy bureaucracy?

Daniel Rodriguez, secretary general of the union of Mates. ( Photo: Seb )

Daniel Rodriguez is a member of the collective Marea Socialista and general secretary of the union of Mates (Materiales Siderúrgicos), one of the four nationalized brick. The Argentine group Techint had bought the company for $ 120 million in 2004 to contribute, ultimately, increase production of Sidor.

At the time of nationalization of the latter, workers Mates also discussed their collective agreement. Barely three months after approval of this agreement, private business decided to break his commitment and reduce workers' wages by 45% (but not administrative staff), arguing an impending financial crisis.

How have you led the fight in favor of nationalization?

Daniel Rodríguez: The attack on wages has acted as a detonator and highlighted the degree of exploitation practiced by the multinational. This has also strengthened our work in the politico-strategic, with a broader view including the four brick. Initially Mates was not directly affected by the nationalization of Sidor. The Techint group was the largest shareholder but we were taken up as a mercantile entity separately.

When the decision to nationalize Sidor was taken, we realized what was the project currently boosting the President of the Republic: A New Steel Corporation of Venezuela. We also realized how we represent an important branch in the cycle of production of iron and steel.

With the pay dispute arose among Mates, the directions of other brick had agreed to generate chaos (by layoffs in particular), to mobilize workers in the street and go to a sector strike. If they could paralyze the four brick, it would have caused problems both upstream (Ferrominera, the mining company) and downstream (Sidor). Their strategy was to create a mass movement of workers and redirect it against the government. But this strategy has been unsuccessful with the president's announcement to nationalize the four companies.

What role did the workers in this decision?

The nationalization of Sidor was an impetus for us that allowed us to unite ourselves as industry. Before that, despite the work that had been conducted within the brick, the ideological differences between workers was not possible to go on the offensive. With Sidor, we realized that it was possible for us also and he had to push in that direction with concrete proposals.

Given that there was a proposed reorganization of the steel industry and that we were in the middle of the chain of production, we proposed to the President nationalization. Firstly to support the conformation of this new steel corporation but also to reduce the cost of raw material for Sidor and thus allow a reduction in selling prices to final consumers.

Our proposal is that everything we produce to serve the community and at an economical price. We want to move towards creating a link between the company and community, between workers and the community. All this of course by pulsing the workers' control. There is no other mechanism for running our business effectively, especially in times of crisis. It must course have a concrete definition of what workers' control and a law giving it a legal character, as there are also many trade union sectors that oppose it.

Do you think the government has the same definition of workers' control you?

I doubt it (laughs). But even if it's very complicated, I think we must conduct this struggle, we the workers. With consciousness and ideology, we can do it. It is about controlling finances, know the production model, to know consignee, etc.. from mine where the ore out to selling the finished product. Faced with this, there is a bureaucracy within the government that is starting to respond. This was seen with the brick; the bourgeoisie and the state bureaucracy did everything for that nationalization is not successful. What we need to do is get to the counter.

What do you think of Hugo Chavez's proposal that the choice of the direction of the business is done in consultation between the President and Workers?

is an important first step. But before looking for outside people probably competent but not knowing the problems of the factory, it may be wise to see the talent that may emerge internally. And the workers are without doubt, from this point of view, the best position to know them.


interview published in the Swiss daily Le Courrier August 15, 2009

Saturday, July 18, 2009

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HONDURAS: "People are desperate to silence the media against"

Since the coup of 28 June and the establishment of a de facto government in Honduras, many voices were raised within the solidarity movement to condemn the aggression against the independent press and the silence of major local media. Laviana Alarcon, English journalist and documentary filmmaker living in Venezuela, traveled to Tegucigalpa to cover events there. Back in Caracas, she gives us his impressions on the media situation. She chose to do so using a pseudonym because, she says, appearing under his real name could cause problems to get back to Honduras.

What is the current situation of the press in the country?
There is clearly a persecution against journalists. The few stations that tried to inform about the situation have been closed and occupied by the military, but many have reappeared in passing underground. The public broadcaster has been closed the day of the coup and subsequently reopened. Today this network has reached a level of manipulation that I had never imagined. They constantly move videos to brainwash people on the "peace" and what they see as "democracy" propaganda glorifying the "new president constitutional "against the legitimate government and against the demonstrations demanding the return of President Zelaya.

There is also a campaign against Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, referring to his" Castro-communist regime, "denigrating the voting system Venezuela, and denouncing the alleged repression that exists in this country. All this is intended to frighten the population.

We wanted to interview some figures known for our public television documentary, but they were afraid to testify. In Many people are afraid and are continuing. The famous Allan McDonald Honduras cartoonist, whose cartoons are published in the journal including El Heraldo and site Rebelion.org , was arrested at night, held for a day before be released.

private channels for their support for the dictatorial government. This is also true of the press. One of the main newspapers, La Tribuna belongs to Carlos Flores Facussé, a man close to Micheletti and suspected of being one of the main ideologists the coup. Facussé was also President of Honduras between 1998 and 2002. It is a very powerful man.

As a journalist, how did you feel about that?
The street is in the hands of military and police. Just arrived in Tegucigalpa with my cameraman colleague, police arrived at our hotel to ask us, they looked at our papers, they wanted to know everything about us. During the demonstration on Sunday, July 5 at the airport (where President Zelaya tried to land), we were all there, both the public that journalists and the army fired without distinction. I saw the ball fall to less than two meters from me. I tried to shelter and bullets rained from all sides. I was terrified. There was no respect for the international press.

How do people react to her face this situation?
People are eager to have the media there, no matter where they come from. I had never seen it, they applaud the press, they need it. That the police fired on a demonstration and disarmed the local press did not say a word the next day is something terrible. The presence of alternative media and community is very important. But they are very small because it is very difficult to enter the country as a journalist, especially if it comes from one of the progressive countries of Latin America. Venezuelans, for example, are demonized.

What do you think the work done by the string of Latin American TeleSUR whose correspondents have been expelled recently from Honduras?

The Honduran population is so desperate to silence the media side that the work of TeleSUR was fundamental to them. They consider its journalists as true heroes. In addition, people are afraid because the correspondents are leaving. Now that the journalists leave, there will be more repression. Those who do not leave on their own have been expelled, as happened to the team TeleSUR. The fact that they evicted the journalists who are more informed gives an idea of what is happening in Honduras.



Article published in the Swiss daily Le Courrier
July 17, 2009.

Monday, June 8, 2009

Los Hombres De Paco Episodes Free Watch

Delinquency Will it the skin of the "Bolivarian Revolution"?

While the past decade poverty has fallen by a third in Venezuela, the curve of violence has followed a trajectory opposite. Over the same period the number of homicides has dropped from nearly 6000 to more than 13,000 per year. Stammering on the subject for much of his administration, the government of Hugo Chávez, now seems determined to take the problem head-on body. Because the mere improvement of social conditions does not seem to bring down the crime.


"Not one more death in the 23 de Enero." ( Photo: Seb )

Pastor is a taxi driver in Caracas. He works at night to avoid traffic congestion at the entrance and exit of capital. "As I live a bit outside, I should get up every day at 4 am in order to arrive at a decent hour in the center," said he. But night work is more risky, so he works almost exclusively with known clients: "They pass me a call and I'll get them where they are. It's safer for me and for them, we never know who you can fall. "

Despite its caution, Pastor was the victim of a robbery there A few months ago while driving a customer in a barrio (neighborhood disadvantage). "Two motorcyclists have pointed their weapons. I could not resist, I preferred they go with the car and get out of there alive." The incident will remain there and Pastor even find his car a few days later. But stories of armed robbery does not always end as well. Between 1999 and 2008, nearly 22,000 people have fallen under the bullets of the crime, merely Caracas (2 million). At the national level, a Corps document scientific investigations, criminal and criminal (CICPC), disclosed recently in the press, gives a figure of 101,141 homicides in ten years (28 million).

According to the 2007 United Nations report on the status of cities in the world, increasing violence is a global phenomenon and is especially notable in developing countries experiencing rapid urban growth. With a population concentrated to 93% in cities, Venezuela far exceeds the regional average is around 79%. For example, in Brazil since the 1970s, the homicide rate has tripled and quadrupled Rio de Janeiro to Sao Paulo. In Caracas, in twenty years it has almost tenfold.

The Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) reports that between 1980 and 2002 the homicide rate in Brazil fell from 11.4 to 28.4 per 100 000 inhabitants. Venezuela has, himself, made a purchase from 19.4 to 50.9 between 1998 and 2003. A contario, El Salvador and Colombia, far the most violent continent, started to decrease this morbidity (respectively from 62.5 to 54.9 and from 64 to 38).

Left without options?

Then Hugo Chavez began his eleventh year as head of government, the opposition does not hesitate to draw a parallel between increased violence and management of the President. "Say no to insecurity, vote 'no'!" Was one of the slogans used during the campaign of the constitutional referendum in February last won by the Bolivarian camp. But if the results of the latest polls still show majority support to the government, the regional elections of November 2008 reveals a certain dissatisfaction in the most populated areas. Of the seven states lost in this election, four are among the most violent country (the District of Caracas and the states of Carabobo, Zulia and Miranda). And according to the latest survey by the Venezuelan Institute for Data Analysis (IVAD) Insecurity is the main concern for seven out of ten Venezuelans. According to criminologist

Antillano Andrés, crime poses a real problem for progressive governments in Latin America: "There is no speech consisting left on the subject.'s Agenda is an agenda insecurity colonized by the right, in most countries. " Professor at the Institute of Criminal Sciences, Central University of Venezuela (UCV), Mr. Antillano considers that progressives are limited to the design problem in the form of myths. "The first is the myth of negation: there is no insecurity, an invention of the media is a way to criminalize the people, etc.. This was the position of this government during a certain time. "

poor and victims

Another myth is that he describes as" functionalism left "and that is to think that" simply "improving living conditions and social inclusion, we can reduce the numbers of insecurity. "The reality of Venezuela shows that this is not true, there is no mechanical relationship. Additionally there is a paradoxical effect, because not only the social inclusion policies do not reduce insecurity, but more insecurity itself increases social exclusion, "said he.

In Venezuela, the unemployment rate rose from 10.3% in 1995 to 7.4% in 2008. Poverty turn is increased from 49.4% of the population in 1999 to 28.5% in 2007. But the segment of the population most affected by violence remains the sector most marginalized by the rest of society. In its report of 2008, the local NGO PROVEA standard defines a victim in this way: "Young men, residents of socioeconomically depressed communities of large urban centers.

Cops offenders

But if the number of homicides has actually increased over the past decade, however, insecurity appears as a structural drawing also rooted in public policies of past decades. Especially at the police regularly accused of inefficiency or complicity.

In the barrios, the police are not really perceived as the solution to the problem, but rather as potential perpetrators of serious crimes, including abductions, extortion, robbery or drug trafficking. "The cops here they sell drugs confiscated from traffickers, or make them pay a vacuna (Ransom) to close the eyes. Some agents will even rent their guns to criminals, "testifies Francisco capita neighborhood of La Vega, Caracas.

According to the Minister of Interior and Justice, Tareck El Aissami, 20% of crimes committed in the country are perpetrated by those same officials. It must be said that the multiplicity of police forces do not facilitate the task and control over the workforce. In Venezuela there are 25 county and 67 municipal police. To this are added the CICPC , transport authorities and traffic (which do not carry weapons) and the National Guard and armed forces. And it will not until 2001 that the decree is approved for "Citizen Security Coordination, which has the task of linking together the different bodies of law and order.

A second step, in April 2006, was the creation of a National Commission for Police Reform (Conarepol). Who made the same finding that a previous commission in 1991: Venezuela pays "the absence of a national policy on policing, lack of coordination mechanisms police, layering of functions between the various security forces" etc..

Arsenal legislative

March 18 , the Government announced the activation of "seven fronts against violence" with the creation of a National Council for Prevention and citizen security, integrated by several departments. Are also on the menu to create an Integrated policies and the launch of a University experimental security, aimed at improving the level of training of officials. In the longer term ambition is to reform the departmental and municipal policies. A touchy subject in this country if polarized, where the opposition clings to some local strongholds.

Several laws are also being developed in the National Assembly. This is the case for improving the social and professional status of policing and tougher penalties for carrying weapons.

"You do not need weapons"

All these measures are confined for now to a strictly legislative. But often, in neighborhoods, the daily work that pays. Because, as noted by Francisco Vega and elsewhere "there is no real momentum brings you to something else" to get into a gang or carry a "gun" to obtain recognition of others.

So with a few friends, he has chosen a different battle, one out of the Younger gear by introducing them to contemporary culture but also that of their ancestors. Together they created a community radio broadcasting and a cooperative through which they are teenagers to media literacy. They combine this with the original music of percussion, and the only sound that resonates here is the drums. "In the neighborhood everyone respects us for what we do, even offenders, because they know we work for culture, we do not consider them as enemies, either. They also have children and when they see that we are working with their kids to leave the circle, they are us grateful. We do not need to carry weapons to gain respect.



The popular response of 23 de Enero

In the neighborhood of 23 de Enero in Caracas, a construction not like other crashes in the middle of the apartment towers. There is the local Coordinadora Simón Bolívar (CSB), a former police station transformed into a cultural center. Dancing, free Internet access and the computer literacy, community radio, social missions: since 2005 the place became a meeting place and participation. The CSB was born in 1993, well before the start of the "Bolivarian Revolution" in this neighborhood known for its organization and social struggles.

Juan Contreras, a member of the Coordinadora, remembers the birth of the group was responding to the need to "build a local power, what is now called the 'people power', and this from three main : recovery areas, the recovery of traditions and sports. " The idea was, among others, to try to regain the space that at some point because of the absence of public policy, had fallen into the hands of crime. Today the goal has not changed: "Our aim is also to build bridges between people so that they communicate with each other, and that through culture and sport. And we did it, now people are involved.

CBS organizes recreational and cultural activities in the district so that youth spend their free time and do not fall into the nets gangs and drugs. But who says social organization also says education policy: "Each group, each group provides social work, political work to prevent crime and drug trafficking to settle in the neighborhood. Besides, there were clashes and comrades were murdered by drug traffickers. "To Juan and others, the scourge also has its political origins: "Here we live a long fight against drugs and crime. By the late 1970s, the state began to lead a 'dirty war' and flood the neighborhood drug to overcoming the social struggle that demanded the transformation of society ".

Last week, three people from the neighborhood were killed in the street around midnight. Among the victims, an activist involved for many years in social struggles. At the time, he even participated in the Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua. "The negative logic of capital does not only promote the commercialization drugs, it also promotes the commercialization of death "could be read on a leaflet distributed in 23 de Enero, at a mobilization of protest against the killing.


References consulted:

- "Enhancing Urban Safety and Security - Global Report on Human Settlements 2007", UN-Habitat, available www.unhabitat.org .

- Statistical Yearbook 2008, ECLAC (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, United Nations agency), available www.cepal.org .

- "Situación of human rights in Venezuela - Annual Report 2008 "provides, available south www.derechos.org.ve .

-" Health in the Americas, PAHO, 2007.

- "The national consultation on reform Police in Venezuela: A proposal for dialogue and consensus ", National Commission for Police Reform, Caracas 2007.

-" The Venezuelan police, institutional development and prospects for reform at the beginning of the third millennium ", Volume I, National Commission Police Reform, Caracas 2007.

-
Selon l'Institut National de Statistiques (INE) in 2006 Caracas ( -Capital District) were just over 2 million.



Article published in the Swiss daily Le Courrier May 26, 2009.

Monday, May 25, 2009

Funbrain Game Mighty Guy 3



( Photo: Seb )

Last Wednesday expressed opposition. A little while cons, just for nothing. Because "no means no" as its slogan says. A student demonstration which was attended by many non-students, as well as opposition political leaders: the member of Podemos (For Social Democracy) Ismael García, the mayor of Caracas, Antonio Ledezma great and Oscar Perez, leader the famous "Commando Nacional de la Resistance, an organization with far-right ideas but thankfully provided little in the ranks.

The procession started from the Central University of Venezuela (UCV) and went to the headquarters of the Ministry of Higher Education, a delegation composed of representatives of students and university authorities (who had also called for demonstrations) was received by the Minister. They presented a document. Their main argument is that the government has cut university budgets by 6%. In fact, the entire state budget that was recently reduced by 6% due to the global economic crisis and falling oil prices has driven it.

The Executive requires universities not to bear the brunt of this reduction to the workers or students of institutions but rather to cut unnecessary costs and expenses in luxurious senior Officials (1) . But Venezuela's universities (both private and public) are autonomous and therefore decide themselves how they will implement this reduction. The opportunity was too good, therefore, not attempt to re-engage the good old student movement with white hands, even if the reputation it has lost its whiteness since its top leaders have openly invested in political parties opposition.

also recall that, according to the newspaper Ultimas Noticias this Sunday, the National Assembly (Parliament) and several academic groups "Chavez" urged General Inspectorate of Finance (Contraloría General de la República) to investigate how public universities are investing their budgets. The latter denied for now all internal audit of their finances (the last straw for public universities, all under the guise of "autonomy") and, according to the newspaper, "they have still not explained, For example, why in 2008 they did not use 45% of their budget, while today they denounce the reduction of 6%.

Globovision

Moreover, the media war is back on the carpet. With this time the private communication Globovision middle of bowling. "We will end this madman with a gun (2) or my name is not Hugo Chavez", recently warned the Venezuelan President to the chain director, Alberto Federico Ravell. And reviving the debate on media and, at the same time, the entire campaign for "freedom of expression."

A political mistake of Chavez? A frontal attack would probably be the Globovision. It is obvious that any collapse of the chain, although it is claimed by some activists of the Popular Movement wake mobilizations and an opportunity for the opposition to rebuild his health. We will have the opportunity to revisit the subject in the coming weeks.

short, the opposition has expressed Wednesday: Sunglasses, caps with logos Globovision or RCTV, a small umbrella for the most stylish ladies. The middle class was in the street, "moderately rich, moderately cultivated" in the words of the Uruguayan poet Mario Benedetti, who died last week. By taking a few pictures of engagement, I could not help but think back to this great text. In tribute Benedetti, a monument of Latin American poetry; but also as "poetic legend" to accompany the photographs of the event, I publish below his "Poem to the middle class," a burning issue.


Ladies ... ( Ph: Seb )


ladies too ... frontline. ( Ph: Seb )

face with white hands of students, the Metropolitan Police
left arms in the cloakroom. (Ph: Seb)



Poem middle class

Middle class
moderately rich medium grown

between what she believes and what she is
there is an average distance large
the mid she looks half bad
blacks
the rich, the wise fools

poor
If she listens to a Hitler
she appreciates half
if it is Che who speaks
half as
Amid nothing
doubt it moderately
attracts like any (moderate)
it analyzes half
all the facts and
(half confused) it down the street with half-pans
then she comes to medium attention
those who lead (half in shadow)
sometimes, only sometimes, she realizes (at half later)
that was used as a pawn
in a chess game that excludes
and that the Queen never converted
Thus, half angry
she laments (half)
to be the means by which others are eating these other
she can not understand
not even half.

Mario Benedetti (3)

Notes:

(1) See also this blog "The Venezuela trace the path of a progressive response to the crisis .
(2) "Ese loco con cañon ...".
(3) The translation is South voice.

Tuesday, May 12, 2009

60 Year Old Women Big Boobs

AKI and middle class insecurity, lead and culture

"against capitalism and industry mercantilist death ..." ( Photo: Seb )

The meeting is held on the small football field, just at the foot of the towers in the neighborhood of 23 de Enero, Caracas. People from other neighborhoods and supporters involved, but down slightly from home to discuss the issue that brings together those present: "Not one more death at 23 de Enero."


Last week, three people were murdered in the street around midnight. Among the victims, an activist involved for many years in social struggles. At the time, he even participated in the Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua.


The demonstration and the meeting this Saturday afternoon were called by the collective of the area, known for its struggles and its social organization. Using loudspeakers, the speakers in turn invite the neighbors to get out of their homes and to participate without fear. The idea is to occupy the spaces in order not to allow the proliferation of drug trafficking and violence it generates.


discourses tend towards a recovery space through culture and organization. Others are more radical: "We must fight them on their land. And if it is with lead (bullets) with this will lead, not only with the culture!", Launches a speaker. "The conformation of the common and popular militias, is the path we must take," retorted another.


The scene takes place under the watchful eye of a representative of the Ministry of Interior and Justice. Accompanied by three officers from the Metropolitan Police (PM), they are once more taken party: "I would ask our friends, the police here: What is illegal drug sales in the neighborhood? No! All sales of drugs are public and notorious. You know very well where the offenders. So why is it so difficult to stop? ".


The ministry official can only agree: "I must admit that you're not wrong." Among the measures implemented by the Executive, is a draft of communal police who will work closely with organized communities. "Men who are here are here to listen and obey you. It is you who must control the police and they should be your subordinates. "


Note:


A long report on the theme of insecurity in Venezuela will be published shortly in the Swiss daily Le Courrier . passages will probably be published on this blog later.

Thursday, April 2, 2009

Free Onlinesoftware To Calculate Age

"The crisis could lead to a world economy organized on the basis of regional blocs"

This interview with the Chilean economist Orlando Caputo was conducted in December 2008 in Santiago de Chile and published in English at Rebelion.org in January. Despite the three months since then, I keep it in good part its relevance, especially at a time when the "masters of the world" met in London in the G20.

( Photo: Seb )

Orlando Caputo is an economist and has dedicated much of his life in the academic activity, except during the government of President Salvador Allende, in which he found himself at the head of the Chilean copper industry. At 28, he was appointed personal representative of the executive committee of Allende Codelco (National Copper Corporation) and then served as general manager of this public company.


After the military coup he was exiled to Mexico where he lived for 17 years and taught at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM). In this country, he participated in the creation of the Network for the Study of World Economy (1) , which he still serves today.


His main area of study is the world economy and insists: "not inter-national ' World. "Mr. Caputo claims a different interpretation of the economic crisis," including those made by some progressive sectors. "He believes that the crisis could open new possibilities and alternatives, but noted many deficiencies among the parties and lack of political consciousness among social movements. "Capitalism has the capacity to resolve this crisis," he warns.


What is your interpretation of the current crisis?


It s 'acts in a housing crisis which has recently transformed into the global economy crisis and I think we are just beginning. This crisis, from the start, was analyzed on the basis of elements that seem very questionable. These include the fact of the qualifying financial crisis.

That seems weird because it's actually a housing crisis that brought together two areas: one real and financial sectors. But the more we talk of financial crisis, while the globalization of the world economy has meant that productive capital has become relatively independent of financial capital.


In the '80s, about 50% of profits enterprises producing goods and services were received by the financial sector. This has decreased dramatically to reach between 10 and 18%. And it goes even further, these companies have achieved higher profits if they have turned into net suppliers of the financial system.


us remember that the globalization of the world economy, supported by neoliberalism, has been established because the benefits and rates of return (2) in years 60 and 70 were low. Companies began to confront this by opening up the world by investing anywhere, requiring free trade, etc..


What does this globalization of the economy in terms of social relations of production?


It means a domination of capital over labor: labor flexibility, tertiary, etc.. The flexibility of production processes divides the world of work. What does this mean? This implies that in the world there was a decrease in wages accompanied by a direct increase in corporate profits.

The increase in profits was also due to other reasons, including that companies take ownership of natural resources. Defends neoliberalism as the primary cause, in addition to the "freedom to choose" private ownership of natural resources. Moreover, it also increases the power of capital over states.

The world is dominated by large multinational producers of goods and services rather than financial capital. This does not mean that financial capital is not important, it is very important. But capital needs to create a profit and not only play with historical earnings, the accumulation of funds, etc..

In developed countries, this relative independence is achieved in practice. In the case of Latin America, the world's financial capital and productive capital are acting jointly as denationalization, the organization of production and new businesses are created with very little capital costs and credits associated with much. And so in Latin America, so to speak, the operation is twofold.

"The world is dominated by large multinational producers of goods and services rather than financial capital"

If you look at it this way, it means the world there is an excess of capital that goes to the fund, to the financial apparatus. Companies will make every liquid capital they will not use, governments also will put their reserves, SWFs are created due to high commodity prices during a certain period, pension funds and also other types of funds are created as well.

companies no longer budget requests because they have become net providers. But this is a problem: to whom will they lend? This is where technology companies grow, the "dot com", explaining the 2001 crisis. But later, where do they invest their capital too? She had no where to lend and that is where the construction sector has played an important role not only in the U.S. but also worldwide.


Companies do not need capital because they realize their investments, expansions and mergers from equity. Of course everything is relative, of 100% they can get 15% credit. But as they find out that the development real estate, financing of large projects with great blows of credits.


That's the system that failed in the U.S. and elsewhere. This interpretation is completely different from what we can hear about it. This crisis has not only been financial, it is a crisis of globalization and neoliberalism. And the crisis has now evolved because, until the second quarter of 2008, profits for companies producing goods and services, not residential, do not diminish greatly in the United States. The real crisis can not develop if there is no significant drop in profits and rates of return. And this is taking place right now.

you consider this crisis as an opportunity to develop alternatives?

This crisis could lead to a breach of the current process of globalization and a world economy organized on the basis of regional blocs. But continuing to analyze it as a "financial crisis" is to displace the fundamental concern. That move that the most important conflict of our time is between capital and society human, represented by workers and social movements who also defend the natural resources and nature.

crisis may open possibilities but I think a lot of political shortcomings, there is no consciousness. The movement is very low but if there was a political consciousness and whether the parties position themselves, then it could emerge a process of rebellion to require new global structures, a new financial and monetary system.

In Latin America we can get to do great things: an integration process that takes into account the interests of peoples and not just companies that are diversified economies, which is not only commercial but is rather a process of global integration with its own currency, a Bank of the South, etc.. Conditions are met.


Notes:

(1) Red de Estudios de la Economía Mundial ( www.redem.buap.mx ). Orlando Caputo is also a member of the Working Group on the Global Economy, Transnational Corporations and National Economy, CLACSO (Latin American Council of Social Sciences, www.clacso.org.ar ).

(2) "Las tasas de ganancias.